Witter: Robert Skidelsky

The world’s fastest interview: 140 characters max per answer — the economist, 74, on happiness, taxation and loyalty in politics

Witter: You’ve consumed political parties with abandon. Now you’re a cross-bencher. Are you at all loyal to any of the parties you have belonged to?
RS: I do not accept Disraeli’s dictum: “Damn your principles! Stick to your party.” Political parties deserve no more than conditional loyalty.

Are there any principled politicians left?
There must be some principled ones left, but you don’t hear them because they almost never rise to the top.

Who do you most admire in modern politics and why?
I think the greatest politicians of the last 30 years, by the scale of their achievements, were Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping.

Is there anything you would ban in this country?
Nothing that hasn’t been banned already. Advertising could be restricted by financial measures, for example, by taxing it.

Hasn’t man always wanted more possessions and territory?
Yes, but advertising inflames it. The pioneers of advertising called it “the organised creation of dissatisfaction”.
You have an interesting Russian heritage. Why are so many oligarchs such enthusiastic consumers?
Because they had so many years of having almost nothing to consume. Private consumption was the way out of communism.

Their consumption has become grotesque, has it not — or are we saying that from a smug, self-satisfied standpoint?
It’s not more grotesque than the consumption of any nouveaux riches. They’ve bought into the western delusion that money can buy happiness.

How will our economy grow if we fail to consume more?
Economic growth shouldn’t be the main object. We should consume enough to lead a good life. For some that means more, for others, less.

What could you personally not do without?
My family and friends, my music, my books, good food and wine, high thinking. Now, I fear, my computer and internet, and a few more gadgets.

How Much Is Enough? The Love of Money, and the Case for the Good Life, by Robert and Edward Skidelsky, is out now (Penguin, £8.99)

Letter to the editor

It’s very hard to get a sensible discussion on fiscal policy going right now. Perhaps Keynesian economics was always too paradoxical to impress the plain men and women who write Times leaders on the subject. In their world view, Labour’s modest spending pledges — notably on childcare — would, if implemented, “draw money from business”. They do not realise that government spending only draws money away from business if the economy’s resources are fully employed, which is patently not true today.

Continue reading “Letter to the editor”

Puttnam and the Defamation Bill

As one who spoke and voted for Lord Puttnam’s amendments to the Defamation Bill passed in the Lords on February 6, may I say that Matthew Parris’s attack on the amendments misses the point. The Puttnam amendments remedy two major omissions from the Bill: its failure to deal with the question of costs and its failure to prevent the publication of things which may be true, but whose publication has no sufficient reason.

Continue reading “Puttnam and the Defamation Bill”

Russia and Britain: it looks chilly… but it’s far from a cold war

Britain and Russia have uniquely bad relations with each other – far worse than between Russia and any other main EU country, and worse than Russia’s relations with the United States. This frostiness was highlighted again yesterday when a new spying row broke out after the Russians accused a senior diplomat in Moscow of working for British Intelligence.

Continue reading “Russia and Britain: it looks chilly… but it’s far from a cold war”

How Russia became doubly delusional

THE LITVINENKO AFFAIR gives a human dimension to what we in the West find most disturbing about modern Russia. It leaves the impression of rogue elements of the Russian State murdering enemies with impunity, at home and abroad. Add to this Andrei Lugovoy’s surreal claim that MI6 had a hand in the murder and Russia’s use of its “energy weapon” to bully its neighbours and it is as if the Cold War never ended.

Continue reading “How Russia became doubly delusional”

Could the poisoner be from Prince Putin’s court

THE POISONING in London of the former KGB officer Alexander Litvinenko confirms what we already know: that it is dangerous to criticise the Kremlin. It comes less than a month after the shooting in Moscow of Anna Politkovskaya, a journalist who tirelessly exposed Russian atrocities in Chechnya. Paul Klebnikov, another crusading journalist, was shot dead in 2004.

Continue reading “Could the poisoner be from Prince Putin’s court”

A fatal flaw at the heart of Bush and Blair’s democratic crusade

THERE ARE TWO competing visions of international relations. On the one side is the Blair-Bush “new” doctrine, which links world security to the spread of Western values. On the other side is the traditional doctrine of national sovereignty, which precludes intervention in the domestic affairs of sovereign states. In between wobbles the United Nations, whose charter commits it to uphold non-intervention, but which is pulled to the intervention by the present sentiment of its most powerful Western members.

Continue reading “A fatal flaw at the heart of Bush and Blair’s democratic crusade”